Int'l Org. Prep. Midterm
China Representation
The Chinese representation issue has been the most serious predicament with regard to the UN representation problem. We need to note that this issue was one of representation rather than one of membership. I will initially investigate this subject by introducing the issue’s historical legal development in the UN. Subsequently, the illustration of the political factors behind the legal question will be provided.
In retrospect to the history, from 1951 to 1960, the United States proposed to postpone the discussion and eliminated the issue from the formal agenda in the General Assembly. From 1961 to 1970, the question appeared as a proposal to accept the qualifications of the representatives of the People’s Republic of China rather than of the Republic of China. The USA advised to treat the problem as an important question, which requires a two-thirds vote. From 1966-68, some western countries issued a proposal of “Research Committee”, recommending the adoption of “double representation” of the Beijing and Taiwan to resolve the China issue. Finally, in 1971, the resolution 2758 was passed, and the People’s Republic of China was granted the formal representative right of the Chinese people in the UN.
It is clear that the China issue was as much a political contest as it was a legal question. During the 1960’s, the world was more or less evenly divided in the number of states that recognized each rival claimant to legitimacy. However, in the 60’s many of the United States’ closest allies refused to follow USA’s policy of non-recognition and economic boycott of the People’s Republic of China. In 1971, the United States switched its position to favoring a Security Council seat for the Beijing regime while maintaining places for both delegations in the General Assembly. In the end, the pro-Beijing tide defeated the U.S. proposal, with the advent of Beijing’s replacement of Taiwanese representation in the UN. Owing to the international society’s collective political support over the People’s Republic of China, Taiwan could not do anything but withdraw from the United Nations at last.
According to the historical experience and the pervasive realism among the states, the debate over the representation issue of China is likely to continue. The possibility of Taiwan’s rejoining the UN will depend on the reform of UN and, the most important of all, on the international political contest.
The Pro and Con of the Veto Power
Whether the veto power of the Permanent Members should exist in the Security Council has been a heated debate both in the UN and among the international relations scholars. The argument supporting the veto power suggests that the Security Council should adopt this voting rule in order to reflect the power politics. On the other hand, the opponent argues that the veto power in the Security Council do not represent the current great power distribution, but lead to a block to collective action.
As the proponent of the veto and the P-5 members indicated, the Security Council must reflect the actual distribution of wealth and power in the world, not abstract ideas of fairness and justice. Since the Security Council was originally intended to deal with the most vital issues of national interest and since the big powers possess the preponderance of means for enforcement, such an arrangement may be considered a necessary departure from the complete abandonment of unanimity.
On the other hand, in reality the current Permanent Members, which possess the veto power, have not necessarily been the most powerful countries of the day. Therefore, the currently P-5 does not reflect the status quo of international politics anymore. For instance, two permanent seats have been occupied by former world powers France and Britain -- countries that have steadily declined in importance and are now viewed as secondary on the world scene. Permanency of membership and the veto power often freeze the Council and prevent it from adequately reflecting world political realities.
Moreover, Vetoes, whether threatened or actually used, are a block to action, as UN performance in former Yugoslavia and other recent crises has clearly shown. A singe veto-wielding power can stop international response dead in its tracks and totally frustrate the will of the overwhelming majority of the international community. Vetoes thus result in the oftentimes inefficiency in the decision making process of the Security Council, which constitutes one of the opposing reasons to the veto power.
In general, the argument between the pro and con of the veto power cannot be solved immediately. Not only the UN’s reform effort, but also the great powers’ willingness to abandon their privilege, will lead to the compromise between major and middle powers, which is essential to the effectiveness of the Security Council and the just distribution of power in international arena.
Annan’s Report Summary
Six major sections are provided in Annan’s report. The first section is the introduction to the background of the historic opportunity of undergoing the UN reform; the subsequent three sections are the explanation of the so-called “Larger Freedom”, freedom from fear, freedom from want, and freedom to live in dignity; the fourth section offers the recommendations for a strengthened United Nations system; in the last section a short conclusion is delivered.
Introduction: A historic opportunity in 2005
The first section gives an introduction to the report and an appeal for the cooperation among the states in the UN. He states that the world must advance the causes of security, development, and human rights together, in order to provide the people a larger freedom. The cause of larger freedom can only be advanced by broad, deep, and sustained global cooperation among States.
Freedom from want
The second section primarily discusses the global shared vision of development and the Millennium Development Goals. In the last goal of the MDG, the partnership among the nations is grounded in mutual responsibility and accountability. Developing countries must strengthen governance, combat corruption, and maximize domestic resources to fund national development strategies, while developed countries must support these efforts through increased development assistance and debt relief.
Freedom from fear
The third section deals with the vision of collective security. Annan addresses that the United Nations must be transformed into the effective instrument for preventing conflict, by preventing the catastrophic terrorism, regulating the weapons of mass destruction, and reducing the prevalence and risk of war.
Freedom to live in dignity
In the fourth section Annan calls for the states to promote democracy and strengthen the rule of law, as well as respect for all internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms. The international community should make collective legal action against deeds against humanity. The Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights should be strengthened or replaced by a Human Rights Council. A Democracy Fund should be created at the UN to provide assistance to countries seeking to establish their democracy.
Strengthening the United Nations
The fifth section basically provides the recommendation for a more effective and strengthened UN system. With respect to the General Assembly, it should not only speed up the deliberative process but also establish mechanisms to engage fully and systematically with civil society. The Security Council should be broadly representative of the realities of power in today’s world, and deal with the issue of permanent membership and vetoes. The Economic and Social Council should be reformed so that it can effectively assess progress in the UN’s development agenda. Moreover, the Secretary General will create a cabinet-style decision-making mechanism in the Secretariat. Finally, the Commission on Human Rights suffers from declining credibility and professionalism, and should be, ad hoc, replaced by a Human Rights Council.
Conclusion: Our Opportunity and Our Challenge
Eventually, the last section is Annan’s plead for the governments to take action. Whether in promoting the international developmental cooperation, in mutually ensuring the collective security, or in safeguarding the basic human rights, it is undoubted that a larger freedom of the peoples--- freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom to live in dignity, will need the UN and States to take immediate actions and reforms.
The Chinese representation issue has been the most serious predicament with regard to the UN representation problem. We need to note that this issue was one of representation rather than one of membership. I will initially investigate this subject by introducing the issue’s historical legal development in the UN. Subsequently, the illustration of the political factors behind the legal question will be provided.
In retrospect to the history, from 1951 to 1960, the United States proposed to postpone the discussion and eliminated the issue from the formal agenda in the General Assembly. From 1961 to 1970, the question appeared as a proposal to accept the qualifications of the representatives of the People’s Republic of China rather than of the Republic of China. The USA advised to treat the problem as an important question, which requires a two-thirds vote. From 1966-68, some western countries issued a proposal of “Research Committee”, recommending the adoption of “double representation” of the Beijing and Taiwan to resolve the China issue. Finally, in 1971, the resolution 2758 was passed, and the People’s Republic of China was granted the formal representative right of the Chinese people in the UN.
It is clear that the China issue was as much a political contest as it was a legal question. During the 1960’s, the world was more or less evenly divided in the number of states that recognized each rival claimant to legitimacy. However, in the 60’s many of the United States’ closest allies refused to follow USA’s policy of non-recognition and economic boycott of the People’s Republic of China. In 1971, the United States switched its position to favoring a Security Council seat for the Beijing regime while maintaining places for both delegations in the General Assembly. In the end, the pro-Beijing tide defeated the U.S. proposal, with the advent of Beijing’s replacement of Taiwanese representation in the UN. Owing to the international society’s collective political support over the People’s Republic of China, Taiwan could not do anything but withdraw from the United Nations at last.
According to the historical experience and the pervasive realism among the states, the debate over the representation issue of China is likely to continue. The possibility of Taiwan’s rejoining the UN will depend on the reform of UN and, the most important of all, on the international political contest.
The Pro and Con of the Veto Power
Whether the veto power of the Permanent Members should exist in the Security Council has been a heated debate both in the UN and among the international relations scholars. The argument supporting the veto power suggests that the Security Council should adopt this voting rule in order to reflect the power politics. On the other hand, the opponent argues that the veto power in the Security Council do not represent the current great power distribution, but lead to a block to collective action.
As the proponent of the veto and the P-5 members indicated, the Security Council must reflect the actual distribution of wealth and power in the world, not abstract ideas of fairness and justice. Since the Security Council was originally intended to deal with the most vital issues of national interest and since the big powers possess the preponderance of means for enforcement, such an arrangement may be considered a necessary departure from the complete abandonment of unanimity.
On the other hand, in reality the current Permanent Members, which possess the veto power, have not necessarily been the most powerful countries of the day. Therefore, the currently P-5 does not reflect the status quo of international politics anymore. For instance, two permanent seats have been occupied by former world powers France and Britain -- countries that have steadily declined in importance and are now viewed as secondary on the world scene. Permanency of membership and the veto power often freeze the Council and prevent it from adequately reflecting world political realities.
Moreover, Vetoes, whether threatened or actually used, are a block to action, as UN performance in former Yugoslavia and other recent crises has clearly shown. A singe veto-wielding power can stop international response dead in its tracks and totally frustrate the will of the overwhelming majority of the international community. Vetoes thus result in the oftentimes inefficiency in the decision making process of the Security Council, which constitutes one of the opposing reasons to the veto power.
In general, the argument between the pro and con of the veto power cannot be solved immediately. Not only the UN’s reform effort, but also the great powers’ willingness to abandon their privilege, will lead to the compromise between major and middle powers, which is essential to the effectiveness of the Security Council and the just distribution of power in international arena.
Annan’s Report Summary
Six major sections are provided in Annan’s report. The first section is the introduction to the background of the historic opportunity of undergoing the UN reform; the subsequent three sections are the explanation of the so-called “Larger Freedom”, freedom from fear, freedom from want, and freedom to live in dignity; the fourth section offers the recommendations for a strengthened United Nations system; in the last section a short conclusion is delivered.
Introduction: A historic opportunity in 2005
The first section gives an introduction to the report and an appeal for the cooperation among the states in the UN. He states that the world must advance the causes of security, development, and human rights together, in order to provide the people a larger freedom. The cause of larger freedom can only be advanced by broad, deep, and sustained global cooperation among States.
Freedom from want
The second section primarily discusses the global shared vision of development and the Millennium Development Goals. In the last goal of the MDG, the partnership among the nations is grounded in mutual responsibility and accountability. Developing countries must strengthen governance, combat corruption, and maximize domestic resources to fund national development strategies, while developed countries must support these efforts through increased development assistance and debt relief.
Freedom from fear
The third section deals with the vision of collective security. Annan addresses that the United Nations must be transformed into the effective instrument for preventing conflict, by preventing the catastrophic terrorism, regulating the weapons of mass destruction, and reducing the prevalence and risk of war.
Freedom to live in dignity
In the fourth section Annan calls for the states to promote democracy and strengthen the rule of law, as well as respect for all internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms. The international community should make collective legal action against deeds against humanity. The Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights should be strengthened or replaced by a Human Rights Council. A Democracy Fund should be created at the UN to provide assistance to countries seeking to establish their democracy.
Strengthening the United Nations
The fifth section basically provides the recommendation for a more effective and strengthened UN system. With respect to the General Assembly, it should not only speed up the deliberative process but also establish mechanisms to engage fully and systematically with civil society. The Security Council should be broadly representative of the realities of power in today’s world, and deal with the issue of permanent membership and vetoes. The Economic and Social Council should be reformed so that it can effectively assess progress in the UN’s development agenda. Moreover, the Secretary General will create a cabinet-style decision-making mechanism in the Secretariat. Finally, the Commission on Human Rights suffers from declining credibility and professionalism, and should be, ad hoc, replaced by a Human Rights Council.
Conclusion: Our Opportunity and Our Challenge
Eventually, the last section is Annan’s plead for the governments to take action. Whether in promoting the international developmental cooperation, in mutually ensuring the collective security, or in safeguarding the basic human rights, it is undoubted that a larger freedom of the peoples--- freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom to live in dignity, will need the UN and States to take immediate actions and reforms.
posted by Victor | 6:38 下午
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